ADAMS ACCUSES BRITISH
INTELLIGENCE OF HARMING
NORTHERN IRELAND
PEACE PROCESS:
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams has accused British
intelligence chiefs of putting peace in Northern Ireland at risk in a bid to
stop the growth of his party.
In a wide-ranging speech in Dáil Éireann on Tuesday,
November 3, Mr Adams also claimed that opposing TDs prioritised MI5 analysis
that the IRA’s ruling army council still exists over assessments by the Gardaí
on the same issue
Mr Adams claimed the British Government was trying to roll
back on commitments to deal with legacy issues of the conflict in Northern
Ireland 1969-98.
“The very people – in MI5 and in the old guard of the RUC –
who produced the recent report, have also brought in a veto to stop the
families of victims of British terrorism from getting the truth about what
happened to their loved ones,” Mr Adams said.
“These are the same people who directed agents and informers
and paramilitary organisations that killed hundreds of citizens, including
citizens in this city with the Dublin-Monaghan bombs and stirred sectarian
violence and colluded in murder.
“They are prepared to put the peace and political processes
at risk in an effort to stop the growth of Sinn Féin north and south. These are
the people some in this Dáil choose to believe; probably for the same reason.
“The Good Friday Agreement marks the most significant
political development on this island since Partition. An international
agreement, it involved the two Governments and Nationalist, republican and
Unionist political parties in the North. It has provided a peaceful and
democratic way to deal with contentious constitutional and political issues. It
has opened up a new and peaceful path to the realisation of Irish unity and
ending the union where none presented before. However, the political process
has been held back by continuous phases of instability since 2010. This stems
from the negativity, disengagement and mismanagement of both the peace and
political processes by the present British Government. Tragically, this
approach has been mirrored by the Irish Government's semi-detached approach to
the North. Both Governments have failed to honour their commitments to ensure
full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and other agreements since
1998. A commitment made at Weston Park to investigate the murder of human
rights lawyer Pat Finucane has not been honoured or implemented. In the St.
Andrews Agreement, a commitment was made to Acht na Gaeilge(Irish Language Act).
This has not been honoured or implemented. There is no bill of rights or
all-island charter of rights. There is no civic forum.
In the period from 2010, the two Governments
have stepped back from their responsibilities and political unionism has
refused to properly support power sharing in the North. That has contributed
directly to the serious political difficulties and ongoing instability, particularly
around dealing with the past, disputed parades, flags, symbols and cultural
identity. Despite intense lobbying and advocacy by Sinn Féin, there has been a
failure to implement the equality, parity of esteem and mutual respect elements
of the Good Friday Agreement. This impasse led to the convening of talks by
Richard Haass and Meghan O'Sullivan in late 2013. British Government and
Unionist rejection of the Haass-O'Sullivan proposals and further political
instability led to further political negotiations in November and December 2014
at Stormont House. However, this difficult political situation has been
exacerbated by the austerity crisis caused over recent years by the British
Government's reduction of the North's block grant by £1.5 billion.
This has had
devastating consequences for public services, jobs, social welfare protections
and economic growth in the Six Counties. With the election of a majority Tory
Government in May, worse is set to come. Another £1.4 billion will be cut from
the block grant. An estimated £120 million per year will be taken from the
pockets of working families as a result of Conservative cuts to tax credits.
British Government austerity policies have deepened political instability in
the North. Against this backdrop, political unionism has
contrived to create a real crisis following the murders in Belfast of Jock
Davison and Kevin McGuigan. This crisis was facilitated when a criminal
investigation into Kevin McGuigan's murder morphed into an assessment of the
status of the IRA by the PSNI leadership. While the PSNI chief constable may
argue that this was not a political intervention, it is the responsibility of
the PSNI to investigate criminality and to make those responsible accountable
in the courts. It should do this by following the evidence and it is assured of
the support of Sinn Féin in so doing. However, Sinn Féin will strongly resist
any efforts to bring what should be operational matters for the PSNI into the
political processes. We reject totally and will resist any efforts to undermine
the rights of our electorate or any other section of voters.
This was the background for a cynical
electoral power play between the two main Unionist parties which brought these
talks to an effective standstill pending the publication of a report by the
British Government. Some elements of the British report, and a
parallel report from An Garda Síochána, were seized upon by opponents of Sinn
Féin, including the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Fianna Fáil leader, and
misused for narrow, party political agendas. There has been a deliberate effort
to criminalise and demonise republicans, Sinn Féin activists and other
citizens, especially those in cross-Border communities in places like south
Armagh and north Louth. Contrary to the Wild West image portrayed by some
elements in the media and others in this Chamber, the people of the Border
region are decent law-abiding citizens.
Let me also hold up to ridicule the absurd
notion that there is a twilight zone in which the Garda colludes with
republicans involved in fuel smuggling and so on as part of the peace process.
This is patent rubbish. Let me repeat once again that Sinn Féin is totally and
absolutely opposed to criminality of all kinds and we stand with communities
across this island and with An Garda Síochána and the PSNI in opposing criminal
gangs and criminality in all its forms. As a consequence of this, Sinn Féin
members and our homes and families have been attacked. Despite this, Sinn Féin
will be to the forefront of any future initiative to tackle paramilitaries or
criminality on this island. No other party has done more to build the peace,
reach out to others and robustly face down violent loyalism and so-called
republican dissidents.
I have also made it clear that Sinn Féin
members are only accountable to our electorate. Sinn Féin has no fear of the
electorate. We respect them. They are the people, after all, who gave us our
mandate. Despite the political opportunism and cynicism which was
evident in the efforts of the Taoiseach to get the Assembly adjourned and the
entirely ham-fisted call by the Fianna Fáil leader for the suspension of the
political institutions - this cynicism is again evident the Dáil today - talks
have recommenced in Belfast. This is very much to be welcomed. I spend at least
two days a week if I can in the North and I spend most Mondays in Stormont.
There is a widespread conviction that some elements within political unionism
have pulled back from the political process and are not seriously committed to
power sharing. I always make the case that this is understandable because if
they have other options, they will take the other options. If governments keep
to their obligations and responsibilities and implement agreements that have
been made, then this old guard has less room to manoeuvre. The British
Government position lacks credibility and there is no genuine intent to resolve
the impasse.
The very people in MI5 and in the old guard of the RUC, who
produced the recent report, have also brought in a veto to stop the families of
victims of British terrorism from getting the truth about what happened to
their loved ones. These folks are locked into the conflicts of the past. They
are the same people who directed agents, informers and paramilitary
organisations that killed hundreds of citizens, including citizens in this
city, with the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, and stirred sectarian violence and
colluded in murder. They are prepared to put the peace and political processes
at risk in an effort to stop the growth of Sinn Féin, North and South. These
are the people some in this Dáil choose to believe. The Fianna Fáil leader does
not believe the Garda Commissioner but he believes MI5. MI5, some in the PSNI
and the British Government have also attempted to use the new legacy
legislation to elevate British interests above those of victims and their
families”.
The Real "Army Councils"
The Garda assessment is quite clear in its presentation of
fact:
“While undoubtedly persons who had been linked with the
Provisional Army Council continue to associate, there is no evidence of a
Provisional Army Council, in the generally accepted sense, meeting or
functioning in this jurisdiction. There is evidence that a type of
"residual leadership", committed to peaceful means, continues to
exist and has become involved from time to time in dealing with
"legacy" issues. Engagement with the Smithwick Tribunal of Inquiry
and the Independent Commission of the Location of Victims Remains (ICL VR) over
extended periods are particular examples in this regard”.
That this statement of fact is rejected shows the
willingness of the political elite here to adopt the positions provided by the
agents of British Imperialism in their continued attempts to prevent the growth
of Sinn Féin in the Republic as they fear the appearance of a radical
government here after the general election next March. Despite the arrangements
agreed with the Irish Government in the 1998 Agreement, there is no intention
of the British State to relinquish its hold on Northern Ireland and this has
been established throughout the years of the so-called “Troubles”.
The presence
of the British Military was not to defend the population of
Northern Ireland of either sectarian stripe but to maintain the interests of
Imperialism in its strategic location in the North Atlantic as part of the NATO
alliance. This has renewed significance now beyond what it was during the “Cold
War” with Scotland now moving towards independence and the expulsion of the British
Nuclear submarines from their bases there. Last week, the Scottish Labour Party, roundly defeated by the SNP in the General Election, voted over 70% against the renewal of the British Trident Nuclear Submarine fleet which Cameron's London government proposes spending £100BN on in the next years. This is a severe blow to the NATO warmongers and a boost for new Labour national leader, Jeremy Corbyn. Nevertheless, the Pentagon is determined to hold
on to its access to air bases and harbours in Northern Ireland with increased Russian
activity in the Artic and North Atlantic.
In 2008, a researcher in Liverpool University revealed a
letter from the US Chief of Staff to the British Chief of Staff in 1970 urging the
British to ensure that the conflict in Northern Ireland retained its sectarian
Catholic/Protestant basis and that the “Commies” weren’t allowed to “take over”
“we don’t want another Cuba here”, meaning the Official IRA, deemed at the time
to be pro-Soviet and under Communist influence. Time has shown how effective
the British, especially MI5, have been in carrying out this injunction.
There are, in fact, two “Army Councils” which directly
influence the destiny of Ireland on a daily basis; one sits in the Pentagon in
Washington and the other in the Ministry of Defence in London. In foreign policy,
the current and previous Irish Governments defer to the Pentagon by allowing
blanket flights and landings by US military aircraft via Shannon Airport
without any inspection or question of whether these activities comply with
international law, the Hague and Geneva Conventions and Ireland’s official
neutrality status (see Shannonwatch link on sidebar). Minister for Defence, Simon
Coveney recently signed a military cooperation agreement with the other “Army Council”
in London. Ireland also continues to participate in NATO’s “Partnership for
Peace” military exercises which are merely a cover for NATO’s attempts to dilute
the influence of the European neutrals and a component of the Brussels
Dictatorship’s EU Militarisation programmes.
So, it is just arrant nonsense and deception on the part of Government,
Fine Gael and Labour, and Fianna Fáil opposition to be making a fuss over
phantom “army councils” as an excuse to attack Sinn Féin while they themselves
are up to their eyeballs in subservient grovelling to the US, NATO and the
Brussels Dictatorship.
New articles on Blagaroon 2:
